Religion as a Democratic Necessity
The United States is, arguably, a democratic nation. Though many would debate that idea because the definition of democracy is so hard to pinpoint. The definition I have amalgamated through my experience in Amcon is that democracy is the promotion of communicative individualism. This means that, yes, there is an individualistic self-focus, but it is in order to promote positive functioning within the greater context of people as a whole. An important factor, also referenced by Alexis de Tocqueville is that egoistic, self-serving promotion of the individual is isolationist; when one cares for nothing but one’s own interests one detaches oneself from potential for community and conversation.
One of the most fundamental communities to democracy is the religious community. Since the beginning of America religions have provided gathering places where spirituality is a unifying focal point. Focus on self worth and development of spirit shows the centrality of personal development in such communities. Churches provide an open space for discussion and an outlet for active community engagement. Thus, Religious groups are a microcosm of American Democracy. By promoting individuals to be wholesome, active members of their community, religious groups performed a crucial role in founding the democratic ideal of communicative self worth. In modern times, religious organizations continue to be a crucial part of cultivating spirited community.
Alexis De Tocqueville cited the necessity of religious organizations. He viewed religion as an important factor in creating consistent dogmatic values for all Americans; this unity of values allowed democracy to have a firm base to grow from in its nascent stage. Order members who nourish this growth with civic engagement projects and community building link themselves to the positive community results. These results are greater than individual need, because “Every religion imposes on each man some obligations toward mankind, to be performed in common with the rest of mankind, and so draws him away, from time to time, about thinking about himself.” (444-445). This paramount mindset pulls people out of egotistic individualism, where actions are selfish and taken to promote personal gain. Instead, each person feels a moral obligation to use the power they were given as citizens for better causes- to engage other individuals and ensure that they themselves are also engaged and living to their fullest potential.
William G. McLaughlin describes the American mindset for engagement as rooted in the Puritan stride for perfectionism. “The atavistic pietism of the Puritans gave to the Church the duty of reforming the world…; it was a religion of commitment.” (164). Because the Puritans were one of the founding American communities, the country was born into an ideology that already was centered on community action. The incessant need to generate individuals who wanted nothing less of an exemplary society forced people to connect with the happenings of their community. These values, rooted in Christian tradition, carried on through generations of Americans, cultivating similar mindsets for years to come.
However, religious communities did not remain as steadfast as the Puritans probably hoped they would. Historian Mark Noll marks the time after the American Revolution as turbulent for all religious organizations; the revolution shifted memberships, displaced priorities and lost interests. But revivalism was in the works; enlightening leadership roused slumbering religious orders through strong emphasis on individuals and communities. Using these tools and some passionate rhetoric, religious communities began to awake for a second time; thus began the Second Great Awakening.
One such example of a visionary leader was Charles Finney. Among his most impressive actions, “he created powerful yet controlled revivalist ‘methods’ for the frontier at the same time he orchestrated successful evangelism in the nation’s major cities… More than any other individual of his day he succeeded in joining evangelical religion to social reform” (174). Finney’s Presbyterian theology emphasized a moral covenant with God that fostered community development through personal as well as social action. This covenant asserted man’s moral obligation to assist one’s fellow man. Because of this agreement, congregation members were active in abolitionist movements, as well promoting benevolence and women’s rights. They were inspired by the values taught within their church to go out and engage with the world around them.
Finney’s theology was centered on arminianism, which strongly emphasized the personal choice to convert as the defining moment of faith. Events such as the anxious bench (where individuals could go in front of the entire congregation to pray for the salvation of their sins), or the altar call (where all people who wished for salvation for their transgressions would approach the altar at once) both show signs of communicative individualism. When one chooses to engage oneself in that spiritual community by stepping forward to the bench or altar with a desire to cleanse the spirit, one makes the choice engage community and also to represent that groups ideals. It is this choice to engage and represent a community’s values that is quintessential to democracy.
Years after the Second Great Awakening, a different, less Christ-focused spiritual revival was occurring. The transcendentalists were creating a movement centered on engaging themselves with nature. The industrialization of America was creating smog, blinding individuals from the communities that once bound them together. They were loosing sight of the truth that they once found in meaningful relationships. Transcendentalists sought to “… enter into a deeper, more ‘original’ relationship with the ultimate reality that underlies appearances and that is present everywhere in nature.” says Peter Williams (222). Through this they sought to enter into a deeper relationship with other humans, clearing the haze and unblinding communities.
There were primary differences between the transcendentalist movement and the Second Great Awakening that qualifies each’s success or failure. While transcendentalists were engaging individuals on the more spiritual realm, the movement lacked organization. Despite the fact transcendentalists were addressing the breakdown of relationships, they were generally less focused on developing ties to other nature folk. It was primarily an intellectual movement, consisting of philosophies but no engagement. This egoistic individualism led to the eventual deterioration of the transcendentalists (Williams 223). It shows that if not curbed, isolationist philosophies can be just as detrimental to communities as complete inaction can be.
Even in a modern age, America struggles with civic engagement. Robert Putnam’s book Bowling Alone explores trends in community participation in the United States since the 1950’s. He found fewer and fewer people are choosing to join the voluntary organizations they once did. He deemed this decline in participation as a decline in “social capital”. Social capital is based on the relationships formed between active and engaged members of society. Connections formed between these members create small communities, reminiscent of the voluntary organizations Tocqueville mentioned as crucial to American democratic success. The decline in social capital is coupled with an increasing egotistic focus, which draws individuals away from bonding with other citizens. Without these personal connections, community focus shifts away from social progress (in the form of strong bonds, societal interest and political engagement) to focus on what needs are best for oneself.
Religious groups, however, continue to be one of the primary methods through which social capital is generated. According to David E. Campbell and Steven K. Yonish, religious volunteerism is the highest percentage of volunteering in the Unites States. The Gallup Organization for the Independent Sector, a nonprofit that promotes volunteerism polled 9626 people every two years from 1989 to 1995. Out this pool, 50.9% claim to volunteer and 26.6% of that volunteering is through religious organizations (91). Campbell and Yonish also note that as a member’s church attendance rate increases, so does their volunteering rate (94). Through these two forces, churches act as catalysts for engagement.
While volunteering is a necessary and crucial part of creating the bonds that tighten communities, churches are also creating a sense of greater purpose. John A. Coleman believes “religiously motivated volunteers are more likely than the non-religious to employ a sense of the common good rather than simply some individualistic language to explain their [voluntary] behavior” (34). This alignment of individuals away from egoism represents the fundamental role religions play in modern democracy- devotion to a higher cause more influential helping others for a few hours a week. It sets a standard for participation. It is a mindset that, when possessed, causes individuals to volunteer but also interact and create the communicative bonds necessary to form beneficial relationships; it creates an image of self-worth as an active member of a willing community; it exists as the definition of American democracy.
This modern attention to cultivating communicative self worth is historically reflected in religious ideology. The steadfast consistency of religious values was the ground that Democracy was built on. In essence, religion was the primary investor in social capital in the past and continues to be in the modern age. Through its attention to promoting non-egocentric individualism, religious organizations cultivate people who have a strong attention to building communities so essential to American democracy.
